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The role of innovation in promoting faster economic growth is well
established in economic theory. In the long term improvements in
economic wellbeing can come only from innovation. Often we associate
innovation with new technology or new products, but in reality a
significant amount of innovation is also about new ways of producing
the same old things i.e. better management and better organisation of
production. We have overlooked the key role that improvements in
management and efficiency in operations play in promoting economic
growth. In fact, poor management on the part of the government inhibits
growth. Even in the private sector, efficiency can be considerably
improved. Competition drives efficiency in the private sector. But
there is no incentive to efficiency in the government administrative
machinery.
Role of good administration
in promoting growth
We
had a reasonably well functioning public administration at the time of
Independence. But with the social mobilisation of 1956, the people
expected too much of the State and from the administration. Consider the
problem of land settlement. Distribution of lands in the Dry Zone
could not be done as fast as the Members of Parliament wanted since
there was a procedure to be followed such as mapping, surveying,
blocking out the lands, selecting allottees etc. But the MPs were in a
hurry and dispensed with such procedures and encouraged persons
particularly their supporters to encroach illegally on State lands
including forests. So the land alienation and settlement became a
disorderly instead of orderly process.
The issue of water
from irrigation reservoirs has necessarily to be an orderly process.
Water had to be distributed fairly and in order to maximize the use of
water for as large an extent of land as possible it was necessary to
impose a common cultivation schedule which was determined at a
Cultivation meeting by majority decision. Once a decision is taken it
should be implemented. But the process of implementing such decisions
has broken down as the Members of Parliament and politicians intervene
in the process. How does one restore the discipline required in such
activities by the people? The law is there but its implementation is
hamstrung due to political interference. The devolution of power to the
Provincial Councils and the Pradesiya Sabhas will not change this
situation and may even make it worse unless and until a sound
administrative framework functions at these levels.
We have
misunderstood the role of Members of Parliament and politicians in
public administration. There has to be a clear demarcation between the
functions of the Members of Parliament, the Provincial Councils and
Pradesiya Sabhas. In fact the MPs should have no say at all in the
affairs of the latter institutions. It is the Governor who is the
representative of the government and not any MP. He, too, must respect
local sentiment and opinion and not seek to over-ride the decisions of
the Councils and the Pradesiya Sabhas at the instigation of MPs. MPs
are legislators and not administrators of their electorates. They
should expose any abuses or grievances of the people of their
electorates in Parliament and call upon the Ministers to rectify them
without intervening themselves. They should refrain from seeking to
interfere in decisions of local level bodies or even decentralised
units of the government. Such interference, a legacy of the 1956
Bandaranaike regime, has caused confusion and breakdown in local level
administration. It is necessary to keep the MPs away from local
administration. The demarcation of the respective roles of the elected
MPs, the Provincial Councillors and the Pradesiya Sabhas is necessary.
Too many cooks spoil the soup.
Policy and Administration
There
also has to be a separation between policy and administration while
upholding the principle of accountability of officials to the chief
executive who is best elected––Chief Minister, Chairman or Mayor. This
principle is manifested at the national level with the overall power of
the Executive President. What is not clear even at the national or
local level is the demarcation of functions between the Executive and
the bureaucracy. There should be a separation of the mass of routine
decisions and the important decisions which mark a change in
policy. The latter is the proper purview of the elected Executive while
the former is matter for the bureaucracy. Any interference in the
latter in breach of laid down procedures and practices will only lead
to confusion and erosion of the morale of the bureaucracy, whether
local, provincial or national. But laws alone aren’t enough. Good
management depends on the managers and if the managers who are elected
politicians whether President, Chief Minister, Chairman or Mayor chose
to do otherwise, the management of the institution concerned will
suffer. The decisions of the President, Chief Minister or Chairman must
however be subject to scrutiny, discussion and endorsement by an
elected assembly––Parliament, Provincial Council or the Pradesiya
Sabha. The policy making function has to be distinguished from the
operations of the policy. Policy making sets objectives, which the
administration (by the bureaucracy) strives to realise. Policy-making
is a thinking function or a top level function involved in planning,
setting objectives and policies; whereas administration is a doing
function or lower level function engaged in the execution of the
policies.
Elected members must make the rules and leave them
to be implemented by the administration holding the latter accountable
for complying with the rules. Of course a hard and fast distinction
and separation into two water-tight compartments is not theoretically
possible as H. A. Simon has pointed out. But this distinction and the
need to comply with it are based on years of experience in public
administration practice. From this distinction arises the recognition
that administration lies outside the proper sphere of politics.
Administrative questions are not political questions. Although
politicians set the task for administration they should not be allowed
to manipulate them for political gains. This problem arose after SWRD’s
election victory in 1956 and is still with us. President J. R.
Jayewardene insisted that politicians should not exercise any influence
in the decisions of the police. But he did not refer to the general
administration in his order. But unless this issue is resolved there
cannot be good governance and this situation will adversely affect
economic development.
Regulatory Environment also a barrier
We
lament that there is not enough foreign direct investment although
there are immense opportunities available since the end of the war and
the return of peace and normalcy. But why don’t companies find it
attractive to invest in our country with potentially many opportunities
and what might look like high returns? The answer has to do with the
perceived rate of return to that investment and the associated risks.
Return and risk are ultimately determined by a long list of factors
that are put together under the label of institutions.
There
are the legal institutions (the rule of law, property rights),
political institutions (stability of policy, decision making), economic
institutions (regulation, taxes, customs duties and procedures), social
norms (that will determine what is acceptable or not), culture
(entrepreneurial spirit, risk taking behaviour, attitudes to work). In
short, the environment for doing business matters and it matters a lot.
We once had an independent judiciary and a responsible Police which
together implemented the Rule of Law. Many people complain about laws
delays. Someone suggested that the authorities entrusted with managing
the Judiciary lay down a minimum quota of cases to be disposed of a
month. Someone also suggested that the calling of the Roll be entrusted
to the Registrar to save time for the Judges. The former Minister
Felix Dias Bandaranaike passed the Administration of Justice Law which
simplified procedures. But it was repealed by the UNP of President J. R.
Jayewardene. The Judiciary must be accountable to the people but the
Contempt powers exercised by the Courts prevent the expression of
public opinion. The modern law of Contempt of Court should be
introduced as in the UK and India. I saw a draft which I think was
prepared by Kishali Pintoe Jayawardene. A Citizens’ Commission for
Judicial Reform 2005, a Civil Society Initiative made a number of
recommendations which should be looked into and adopted.
The
World Bank published the report titled "Doing Business". It records
several key characteristics of the business environment for over 170
countries. Let us look at one simple example. It only takes 2 procedures
and about 2 days to start a business in Australia. In Brazil, there
are 17 procedures and it will take 152 days to establish a new company.
Examples of other indicators are access to credit, observance of
property rights, easiness of closing business, etc. There is a very
strong correlation between regulation and institutions on the one hand
and economic development on the other. Rich countries all have
institutions of high quality while the poor countries do not. This
measure of institutional quality provides the government with clear
guidelines on what to do to speed up reforms and growth. The goal for
the government should be to set up the right environment for business
rather than manage investment. Once the environment exists, a big chunk
of the uncertainty about future payoffs is gone, individuals and firms
local and foreign will invest and growth will pick up––private sector
growth not low productivity government growth.
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