Adoption (date): (161)

Comment (161):

Legislative: (163A)

Executive: (163B)

Judicial: (163C)

Le plus important de ces textes de lois, du point de vue du nombre des agents qu'il régit, est le Statut Général des Fonctionnaires 'SGF'
Les agents régis par le SGF sont répartis en 247 Corps. Chaque Corps est régi par un Statut particulier fixé par décret: il y a donc 247 décrets différents portant statuts particuliers de fonctionnaires de l'Etat.

Il n'existe pas de convention collective régissant le service public national :
1 - les agents de l'Etat ayant la qualité de fonctionnaires sont régis soit par l'ordonnance portant statut général de Fonctionnaires, soit par la loi portant statut spécial de leur Corps (cas des magistrats, des militaires, des enseignants et chercheurs de l'Enseignement Supérieur, etc...)
Les agents régis par le SGF sont en plus soumis aux dispositions du décret portant Statut particulier de leur Corps d'appartenance.
Les agents fonctionnaires sont donc liés à l'Etat par des textes de loi et des textes réglementaires auxquels ils ont adhéré en entrant dans Fonction Publique, à l'exclusion de toute notion de convention ou de contrat.
2 - les Agents n'ayant pas la qualité de fonctionnaires sont régis par le Statut Général des agents non encadrés de l'Etat et ils sont liés à l'Etat par des contrats individuels.

Madagascar became an independent republic in 1960, after decades of French rule. In 1993 authoritarian rule gave way to multiparty elections, which were won by an opposition alliance. Albert Zafy became the new president. After he was impeached, the former strongman, Didier Ratsiraka, won presidential elections in 1996. Parliamentary elections in May 1998 gave a slim majority to his Association pour la renaissance de Madagascar (Arema), and Madagascar's politics have continued to be characterised by shifting coalitions. The next presidential elections are due in 2001 and the next legislative elections in 2002.

Following a referendum in 1958, Madagascar became an autonomous member of the French Community, with a government headed by a former civil servant from the northern coast, Philibert Tsiranana. Full independence followed in June 1960. After failing to address urgent social and economic issues, he was overthrown in a popular uprising in May 1972. The military took power.
A new military strongman, Lieutenant- Commander Didier Ratsiraka, a former foreign minister, formed a new government in June 1975. Later that same year he secured referendum approval for a new constitution that permitted only one political organisation, the Front national pour la defense de la revolution socialiste malgache (FNDR).
President Ratsiraka was re-elected in 1989. In 1990 Mr Ratsiraka formally permitted genuine multiparty politics. Some 16 opposition factions formed the Forces vives (FV) opposition front, and organised a general strike in 1991 in support of demands for constitutional reform.
Public anger boiled over after Mr Ratsiraka ordered the security forces to shoot unarmed demonstrators, and the president was forced to yield to demands for a new democratic constitution, which was approved in a referendum in August 1992. In the presidential election that followed, Mr Zafy secured a decisive victory over Mr Ratsiraka and took office in March 1993. Three months later FV triumphed in legislative elections.
The premier, Emmanuel Rakotovahiny, was forced out by a parliamentary censure vote in mid-1996, and the next premier, Norbert Ratsirahonana, soon began edging towards an accommodation with the IMF. Mr Zafy became increasingly isolated, and in August 1996 he was impeached by parliament.

At the presidential election in 1996, Mr Ratsiraka returned to power, defeating Mr Zafy by 50.7%. He appointed Pascal Rakotomavo, as prime minister. Mr Ratsiraka proposed constitutional changes to strengthen regional authorities and the presidency, at the expense of parliament. Mr Ratsiraka's constitutional changes were put to a referendum vote in March 1998, they were approved, albeit by 50.6% only.
Parliamentary elections in May 1998, the ruling Arema and Leader- Fanilo won a total of 79 seats out of 150 in the National Assembly. Two months after the election, Mr Ratsiraka appointed Tantely Andrianarivo, deputy premier for finance in the outgoing administration, as prime minister. The new 21-member cabinet was dominated by Arema figures, but Leader-Fanilo obtained three ministerial portfolios.
The G6 should bring together Leader-Fanilo with AVI, the independents, the Rassemblement pour le socialisme et la democratie (RPSD) and AFFA. However, this alliance soon proved unviable, because the moderate parties did not want to retreat into the inveterate oppositionism demanded by AFFA. By mid-1999 they had formed a new grouping, G4, which excluded the radicals and comprised Leader-Fanilo, AVI, the RPSD and GPS (Groupe parlementaire solidarite) Firaiksankina.

The goal of the CPI is to provide data on extensive perceptions of corruption within countries. This is a means of enhancing understanding of levels of corruption from one country to another. It does not attempt to assess the degree of corruption practiced by nationals outside their own countries. This is a separate phenomenon and a separate instrument, the Bribe Payers Propensity Index (BPI), is published this year for the first time.