Adoption (date): (161)

Comment (161):

Legislative: (163A)

Executive: (163B)

Judicial: (163C)

- Le Statut Général des Fonctionnaires (loi n° 61.33 du 15 juin1961, modifiée)
- La Convention Collective des journaliste en date du 17 juillet 1973
- Le régime spécial applicable aux agents non fonctionnaires (décret n° 80.700 du 12 juillet 1980)
- Les statuts spéciaux de certains fonctionnaires non régis par le statut général (Inspecteurs Généraux d'Etat, Magistrats, etc.)

GSenegal has been governed since independence in 1960 by the Parti socialiste (PS). The first president, Leopold Sedar Senghor, ruled until 1980, when he was succeeded by Abdou Diouf, the current president. Since 1974 the government has allowed multiparty politics, but the opposition has yet to make significant inroads in what is a de facto one-party state. Mr Diouf won the last presidential election in 1993, and the PS won the last legislative election in 1998 though with a reduced majority. In 1998 the constitution was amended to allow Mr Diouf to stand for another term in February 2000.

In January 1959 Senegal joined Soudan (now Mali) to form the Federation of Mali. The federation achieved full independence from France in April 1960 but broke up in August of that year, and Senegal became a republic with Leopold Sedar Senghor as its first president. In the mid-1960s Senegal became a de facto one-party state under the ruling Union progressiste senegalaise (UPS). In 1974, however, multiparty politics was restored with the recognition of two opposition parties, including the Parti democratique senegalais (PDS). The UPS, renamed the Parti socialiste (PS), won 82 of the 100 seats in the Assemblee nationale (parliament), and the PDS the 18 remaining seats.

In 1981 Mr Senghor retired and was replaced by his prime minister, Abdou Diouf. In the legislative and presidential elections of 1983 the PS and Mr Diouf won a resounding victory. The 1988 elections returned Mr Diouf to the presidency and the PS retained its large majority in the Assemblee nationale, with 103 seats out of 120.
Pressured by the international community, Mr Diouf formed a government of national unity in 1991. Several opposition leaders, including Mr Wade, accepted ministerial posts, with the promise of better access to the state-owned media and a reform of the electoral code. In 1993 Mr Diouf was re-elected under a new electoral code, and the PS retained a majority in the Assemblee nationale.

Although Mr Diouf invited the leaders of several opposition parties to join a new unity government following the 1993 elections, the re-entry of the PDS into the cabinet was not negotiated until 1995 when Mr Wade and several other opposition politicians were given Ministerial posts. Under Mr Dieng's leadership, the PS won a decisive victory in the November 1996 local and regional elections. However, Mr Ka and a number of other disgruntled PS leaders left the party prior to the May 1998 legislative election to form the Union pour le renouveau democratique (URD).

Although the PS polled only 50% of the vote in the legislative election in May 1998, it retained 93 of the now 140 assembly seats. The PDS also lost electoral support, though, and its number of seats fell to 23. The URD clearly drew votes from the PS at the election, winning 11 seats. The Ligue democratique-Mouvement pour le parti du travail (LD-MPT) alliance left the government in protest shortly after the election, and there was little prospect of a new unity government.

Concerned at the low voter turnout at the election (40%), the PS-dominated Assemblee nationale amended the electoral code in August 1998 to avoid having to fight a second round with a unified opposition in the presidential election planned for February 2000, and at the same time stacked the electoral process to ensure that the PS would sweep the country's first senate election in January 1999. As a result, the majority of opposition parties including the PDS and the URD, boycotted the election, and all seats were won by the PS.

The goal of the CPI is to provide data on extensive perceptions of corruption within countries. This is a means of enhancing understanding of levels of corruption from one country to another. It does not attempt to assess the degree of corruption practiced by nationals outside their own countries. This is a separate phenomenon and a separate instrument, the Bribe Payers Propensity Index (BPI), is published this year for the first time.